2) documenting the distinctive American repertoire of high status cultural signals and 3) analyzing how cultural capital is turned into profits in America.Īlthough some sociologists still connect cultural preferences with social class, others argue that postindustrial societies are no longer class-based societies and that contemporary cultural consumption patterns do not simply reflect class positions. This agenda consists in 1) assessing the relevance of the concept of legitimate culture in the U.S. We also propose a research agenda which focuses on social and cultural selection and decouples cultural capital from the French context in which it was originally conceived to take into consideration the distinctive features of American culture. We discuss its assumptions and compare it with the original work. In the second section, we shift our attention to the American literature on cultural capital. We note a number of theoretical ambiguities and gaps in the original model, as well as specific methodological problems. We expand on their work by proposing a new definition of cultural capital which focuses on cultural and social exclusion. In this essay, we disentangle Bourdieu and Passeron's original work on cultural capital, specifying the theoretical roles cultural capital plays in their model, and the various types of high status signals they are concerned with. However, much confusion surrounds this concept. The concept of cultural capital has been increasingly used in American sociology to study the impact of cultural reproduction on social reproduction. It is also shown that educational differentiation in highbrow cultural consumption is less profound in countries with large social mobility. Furthermore, we find that educational and affluence inequality in cultural consumption is less outspoken in wealthy countries as compared to less wealthy countries. Our results show that highbrow cultural consumption in European countries is affected by a nation's wealth, social mobility level, and level of cultural funding and supply. Multi-level regression models are employed using Eurobarometer data on 20,622 individuals living in 29 countries. We further test to what extent this social inequality in cultural consumption is moderated by a country's wealth, social mobility, and level of cultural funding. We contribute to the existing body of knowledge by examining to what extent social inequality in highbrow cultural consumption varies between European countries. Although numerous studies have confirmed social differentiation in highbrow cultural consumption, cross-national research on social inequality in the cultural domain is still scarce. Participation in highbrow culture for individuals is often recognized as an important but unequally distributed asset. ![]() ![]() Lastly, I find that the social prestige perceived through consuming highbrow culture becomes an important predictor of who consumes highbrow culture. Furthermore, I show that highbrow cultural consumption is affected by specific country characteristics. Using Eurobarometer (2007) data, I show that taste publics have distinct highbrow cultural consumption scores and the association between taste publics and highbrow cultural consumption varies across Europe. I further test the extent to which the association between taste publics and highbrow cultural consumption is moderated by these country characteristics. ![]() ![]() I examine the extent to which taste publics and specific country characteristics such as a country’s population characteristics, its wealth, and its level of cultural funding affect highbrow cultural consumption across European countries. I contribute to the existing body of knowledge by focusing on taste publics-groups of individuals distinguished by their levels of economic and cultural capital-rather than separately dealing with education and family affluence. Although numerous studies have confirmed this association by using education and income as proxies of cultural and economic capital in highbrow cultural consumption at the individual level, cross-national comparisons remain scarce. The association between class and culture as an important way to understand the determinants of individual tastes is well-known.
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